The Hidden Hand: Kissinger, the CIA, and the Coup that Betrayed Cyprus

With Gust Avrakotos, British Complicity, and the Shadow of Israel

By Nick Stamatakis

In this short article, I tried to encapsulate my accumulated knowledge of the 1974 events, as I had the chance to study them in many years of academic study (focusing on Greek-Cypriot identity) before and after a one academic year of field research in Cyprus in 1989-90.  I have said many times that in our days, the conditions that allowed the tragic events of 1974 have now been reversed, especially as regards the involvement of Israel.  However, without strong leadership in Greece, Cyprus, and the Diaspora, and without relying primarily on our own resources rather than foreign powers, we cannot hope for anything good.  When was the last time we organized a dynamic demonstration outside the United Nations and close to the “Turkish House”? Why has the Cypriot leadership in our community (and particularly Mr. Christopher and Mr.Tsivicos) kept refusing to invite and honor those young people who performed acts of resistance in the last 51 years? Do they believe we will achieve our goals with their defeatist attitude?

However, let me continue with the account of the 1974 tragic events.

The 1974 coup against Cyprus and the subsequent Turkish invasion were not isolated miscalculations—they were part of a deliberate geopolitical operation orchestrated by U.S. officials, intelligence operatives, and their allies in London and Tel Aviv. At the center was Henry Kissinger, who worked through CIA Station Chief and Greek-American operative Gust Avrakotos, a close liaison to the Greek junta’s dictator, Dimitrios Ioannides. But behind the curtain stood Israel’s growing influence inside the U.S. national security establishment, which played a quiet yet decisive role in shaping Washington’s posture toward Greece and Cyprus.

PHOTO ABOVE: Gust Avrakotos – as played in the movie “Charlie Wilson’s War”, convinced foolish Greek dictator Ioannides that his coup against AB Makarios would not cause a Turkish invasion “because Washington would object”.

The rift began to widen during the Yom Kippur War of October 1973, when Greece—under the transitional government of Papadopoulos-Markesinis—refused to allow U.S. planes to use Greek airspace to resupply Israel. This enraged Washington and Tel Aviv alike. At a NATO meeting in Brussels in early November 1973, Kissinger, acting with the fury of an offended empire, threatened the Greek Foreign Minister, Mr. Xanthopoulos Palamas, telling him bluntly, “You will pay for this.” To make matters worse, a Greek shipowner, responding to the Egyprian President’s request, delivered Libyan oil to Egypt during the war, further fueling Israeli and American resentment. From that moment, Greece’s strategic betrayal—especially in the eyes of the Israeli lobby in Washington—became unforgivable.

By 1974, the Kissinger-led State Department, heavily influenced by pro-Israel hawks within the U.S. foreign policy establishment (at a time when the Watergate scandal rendered the US government chaotic and dysfunctional), had set its sights on removing Makarios, whom they saw as dangerously non-aligned and hostile to Israeli and Western designs in the Eastern Mediterranean. Makarios’s outreach to the Arab world and his support for Palestinian causes had long been a source of irritation to Israeli policymakers, who increasingly saw Cyprus as a potential launchpad for Soviet or Arab influence in the region.

On July 15, 1974, Ioannides executed the coup in Cyprus with CIA complicity, installing Nikos Sampson, a known EOKA-B terrorist. Three days later, Britain gave Turkey the green light to invade, and on July 20, Turkey landed troops. That same week, Makarios addressed the United Nations, dramatically accusing Greece—not Turkey—of being the true threat to Cyprus. Although his accusations had merit, his denunciation of Greece on the global stage caused enormous division within the Greek world. It provided further diplomatic space for foreign powers—particularly the U.S. and the UK—to remain neutral as Cyprus was carved apart.

PHOTO ABOVE: AB Makarios at the U.N. July 19-20, 1974…

It is no coincidence that Israel remained entirely silent during the crisis, nor that powerful pro-Israel voices inside the U.S. government aligned with Kissinger’s hardline stance against Greece. Just months earlier, they had lobbied aggressively for military aid during the Yom Kippur War—an effort that was stymied by Greek reluctance. Cyprus, unfortunately, became collateral damage in this broader struggle for control over the Eastern Mediterranean.

The internal treason and the external betrayal were complete.  Then and now, Greece has maintained complete air supremacy and operated F-4 Phantom fighters, along with advanced submarines. Yet the powers that be in DC and Tel Aviv had made their decisions: Let’s not forget this essential truth now, as Israel is once again in the picture. Two things we should remember: first, to rely primarily on our own powers, and second, if Israel wants defense cooperation, it should deliver its end of the deal beforehand.  In no way can they be trusted, and they are more likely to reconfigure an alliance with Turkey before they help Greece and Cyprus.

Ultimately, the division of Cyprus was not solely the result of Cold War politics or Greek-Turkish rivalry. It was a calculated betrayal—engineered by Kissinger, abetted by British duplicity, enabled by CIA operators like Avrakotos, and tolerated—if not encouraged—by the Israeli-aligned hawks in Washington. For Cyprus, the cost was staggering: occupation, displacement, and decades of unresolved trauma. For the architects of this betrayal, it was just another maneuver in a global game of power.

July 20, 2025, n.stamatakis@aol.com   www.helleniscope.com

DISCLAIMER: The views and statements expressed in this article constitute constitutionally protected opinions of this author.

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CITATIONS

Books and Memoirs

“The Cyprus Conspiracy: America, Espionage and the Turkish Invasion” – Brendan O’Malley & Ian Craig (2001)

1. • A detailed investigation based on interviews and declassified material, arguing that Kissinger and the U.S. facilitated the coup and the invasion.

2. “Makarios: A Biography” – Costa Carras and Peter Loizos

   • Covers Makarios’s foreign policy stance and his antagonism with NATO powers.

3. “Inside the Company: CIA Diary” – Philip Agee (1975)

   • Offers insight into how the CIA operated during the Cold War, including its involvement in foreign coups like the one in Cyprus.

4. “Charlie Wilson’s War” – George Crile (2003)

   • While focused on Afghanistan, it includes a detailed profile of Gust Avrakotos, his Greek background, and his early work with the Greek junta.

5. “Years of Upheaval” – Henry Kissinger (1982)

   • Kissinger’s own memoir where he justifies his approach to the Cyprus crisis, though selectively omits or downplays key facts.

6. “The Cyprus Problem: What Everyone Needs to Know” – James Ker-Lindsay

   • Outlines the legal and geopolitical context of the Turkish invasion, including UK and U.S. responses.

Declassified Documents and Reports

7. U.S. State Department, Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), 1969–1976, Volume XXX – Greece; Cyprus; Turkey

   • Includes cables and memos showing Kissinger’s stance during the crisis and his communications with Turkish and British officials.

8. British National Archives – FCO 9/1806

   • Reveals that Britain gave Turkey the green light on July 17, 1974, for a “limited intervention” and rejected calls for immediate military response.

9. CIA Memoirs and Briefings (FOIA releases)

   • Declassified materials show the CIA’s role in Greece and its knowledge of coup plans in Cyprus.

Testimonies and Interviews

10. Makarios’s Speech to the UN Security Council, July 19, 1974

• Public record in the UN archives where he explicitly says, “the danger for Cyprus is not Turkey, it is Greece“.

11. Statements by former Greek Foreign Minister Phaedon Gizikis and other junta-era figures

• Referenced in Greek parliamentary inquiries and press investigations into the coup.

12. Interviews with Gust Avrakotos (quoted in Crile’s book and in PBS Frontline)

• He admits to collaborating closely with Ioannides and the military regime.

Israeli Connections

13. “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy” – John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt

• While broader in focus, it details how Israeli interests shaped U.S. actions in the Eastern Mediterranean during and after the Yom Kippur War.

14. Israeli Government Archives on 1973 Airlift

• Confirm the importance of U.S. logistical support and highlight countries that refused access, including Greece.

15. “Righteous Victims” – Benny Morris

• Notes the diplomatic strain and Washington’s urgent need to secure Israeli military supply routes during the 1973 war.

• VERY IMPORTANT: THE REQUEST FROM THE EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT TO THE GREEK GOVERNMENT DURING THE YOM KIPPUR WAR.